The Usage of Process Drama with Newly Arrived Migrant Children

Table of Contents


Research Questions………………………………………………………………3



Theoretical Framework……………………………………………………………..4


Critique ……………………………………………………………………………10






Applied Theatre has been practiced in non-theatrical spaces such as integration, education and emotional therapy more in the last couple of decades since it was first established in the late-20th century. This art-based approach has especially involved newly immigrated persons to receiving countries to better explore and understand individuals’ histories and their goals and ambitions ahead. Process Drama is one type of Applied Theater approach addressed in this paper and its implications in the process of settlement and integration for newly arrived refugee and migrant children.

Research Questions

Below are the research questions I wish to address and answer as well as possible in the following pages:

  • How is Process Drama used to identify and address the needs of newly migrated children during their settlement process?
  • How may Process Drama be used to respond to issues of refugee integration?
  • What critiques may be drawn by using Process Drama as a settlement and integration approach?


The Process Drama case study written in Michael Balfour’s, Applied Theatre: Resettlement, Drama, Refugees and Resilience (2015), which I will examine, took place in Logan City, Australia – a rapidly growing city located in southeast Queensland near Brisbane. In 2008, a community services organization, Multilink, was given a small grant to run a program aiming to help newly arrived migrant and refugee individuals understand “a little more about the expectations, issues and services available to them” (Balfour, 2015, p. IX). The organization thought drama might be the best way to do so.

Twice a week, research facilitators with a background in Applied Theater, carried out Process Drama workshops with refugee children, ranging in age from 9-years-old to 12-years-old. These children had been living in Australia less than 12 months and came from various origin countries such as Rwanda, El Salvador, Philippines, Myanmar, and Cameroon.  The research team held these workshops in a local public school ESL (English Second Language) classroom over three years (2011-13), often with the same children who remained in that level of ESL class. Each year, an alternate open-ended fictitious plot was used for the Process Drama, which had been developed by the researchers before entering the class environment. Artistic performance was not one of the objectives, therefore these dramas were not performed for anyone outside the classroom, such as parents or other community members.

The folklore and imaginative plots they used to guide their drama workshops were developed with themes that would inspire and connect the children, no matter their background, but as not to be associated in any way to the children’s migration journey or any trauma experienced in their homeland or along the way. These plots included 1) a Giant in a small village, 2) an alien searching for her lost robot dog, and 3) an island civilization whose fish food source disappears. Each plot, the children adopted their own new character, which they would portray during the Process Drama. The researchers’ main goal was to support “settlement” and the resilience of individuals, however they state they were unaware of their own limited knowledge and understanding of refugees, settlement and resilience before beginning. After their experiences, the researchers affirmed that, above all, they took away from the experience that these newly arrived youth “deserve no less than our fullest attention” (Balfour, 2015, p. xv).


The methodology used for this research derives from secondary sources of literature. This literature includes a case study involving 9 to 12-year-old newly settled migrant and refugee children in Logan City, Australia.  I will analyze this case study thoroughly and analyze, using additional literature on integration and Applied Theater, how the researchers in this specific example successful or unsuccessfully were able to identify and address the settlement “needs” of the children.

I will also review Australian’s refugee settlement policies and will compare the aims of integration in a society such as eastern Australian with the goals and perceived outcomes of the Process Drama researchers and evaluate how this coincides with the recognized needs of these refugee children.

By reviewing a variety of  literature, data and additional sources produced from various societies, I aim at securing validity in my interpretations, analysis, my own understanding of Process Drama, and discussion. Since Process Drama is primarily practiced for second language learning, I want to avert from this aspect and focus more on the social implications that arise from the children in the study and other challenges they touch upon when depicting their settlement in a new place.

However, since Process Drama is a relatively new form used in integration, the result of my own analytical conclusions may be inaccurate. While researchers using the same literature sources may arrive at a different conclusion depending on their own characteristics and the replication of this study may be difficult, I will do my best to provide a coherent picture of the argument and how I arrive at my conclusion.

Theoretical Framework

Cultural Pluralism and Multiculturalism

Cultural Pluralism is the roots of multiculturalism. Cultural groups co-exist in society with also regard for a dominant culture. It rejects all theories of the adaptation of immigrants as unproductive and unrealistic. Cultural Pluralism asserts that every ethnic group should preserve its own language, religion, institutions, inherited culture, etc. while simultaneously; immigrants should learn the host country language for general communication. There is no model of integration. Integration constantly adapts to the changing social dynamics of the state. In addition, to assess the needs of that community, it needs to be a bottom up approach (Hazard & Stent, 1973). Australia is among Sweden and Canada as a state with multicultural integration policies which hold importance of the tolerance of cultural differences by the state and society (Luksic-Hacin, 2010).

Settlement & Integration

Balfour and other researchers from the case study involving the Logan City community, Australia refers to the term “settlement” more so than “integration.” Due to their multiculturalist integration policy, Australia emphasizes full participation by refugees without requiring a loss of identity or culture. In the multicultural state context, settlement is stated as the “long-term, dynamic, two-way process through which ideally immigrants would achieve full equality and freedom of participation in society and society would gain access to the full human resource potential in its immigrant communities” (OCASI, 2000).

Australian government articulates its goals of settlement services as a goal to help new arrivals participate in the community as soon as they arrive. The state helps to provide assistance with English language skills, building self-reliance and fostering links to the community (Commonwealth of Australia, 2006, a:3). The Australian government also uses the UNHCR Integration Handbook: Refugee Resettlement (2002) definition of settlement based on the concept of integration.  Apart from tangible factors of resettlement for refugees such as housing, income support, and health care, the Refugee Council of Australia attests to more important keys to the resettlement process such as: being able to feel safe and secure; restoring a sense of self worth; restoring a sense of dignity; regaining a sense of control over one’s life; resolving guilt; and processing grief about the loss of self and country (UNHCR, 2001). Quality of settlement is directly affected and influenced not only by the refugee’s own engagement with the host country and society, but also by how a person is received by both their refugee community and the wider community (Balfour, 2015, p. 196). The Balfour Process Drama study occurred at a time (2011-2013)  when  the federal policies in Australia were in flux as a new immigration minister was elected and issued a change to the bureaucratic name of asylum seekers who arrived by boat from “Irregular Maritime Arrivals” to “Illegal Maritime Arrivals.” These types of political maneuvers in various states may cause a change in public discourse and relations and position the asylum seekers as criminals. Therefore, the state environment and how this affects the refugee settlement must be taken into account when using Process Drama as a means to discern and address refugees’ needs (Balfour, 2015, p. 196).

Cultural specificity of settlement is also important to take into account when utilizing Process Drama. Settlement is influence by cultural paradigms and difference exists between these. The participants of this specific case study came from diverse physical countries and so consideration of this is imperative since behavioral practices, ideological values, family and community role expectations, and environmental factors play a role that may differ from one cultural group to the next. Community and cultural context may play a great deal in forming either meaning systems of the individual (Papadopoulos, 2007 p. 310).


In Stefan Vanistendael’s Growth in the Muddle of Life Resilience (1998), he defines resilience as the capacity of a person or a social system to adapt and cope well and to develop positively in spite of adversity, risks or difficult conditions of life and this in a socially acceptable way.”  For there to be the presence of resilience, this implies the presence of adversity in which the migrant must protect him or herself from or adapt positively to cope (Henleu, 2014). These protective factors or resilient factors “can be internal, external or interpersonal and include personality characteristics, experience of self-efficacy or having a social support network” (Henleu, 2014). Resilience is not just a fixed personal quality but develops with a person given their environment and relations to other people.

Resilience was included as a goal in the case study (Balfour, 2015) and Process Drama was practiced to identify ways to resource individuals’ resilience so that they may feel capable and positive-not unlike empowerment.  In general, researchers found the children felt positive, a sense of hope for the future and comfortable in the “safe spaces” developed in the classrooms where they worked. However, researchers also found in these cases, stories from children beyond the classroom and project confines where the participants had pressures of “tiredness, boredom, a sense of being overwhelmed by difficulties and bureaucracy” (Balfour, 2015, p.198-199). Most young people adapt effectively, as stated by Barber & Doty in How can a majority be resilient (2013) and researchers observed this as well since the children appeared to adapt and reconstruct their lives suggesting that resilience is a part of the daily routine and social process over time over time (Balfour, 2015, p.199). Therefore, it is not something that can be forced but is a quiet process embodied in each individual.

The researchers recognize, as we should as well, the challenges of the settlement journey; one that is long and maneuvers through many bureaucratic channels that may lead to dehumanizing as well as a society that is not always welcoming. These individuals may have experienced trauma in their homelands or along their journey and anxieties and fears during the settlement process are exacerbated. By being disengaged from their familiar networks, content daily practices and familiar culture, their individual identities are vulnerable and therefore, personal resilience is the facet for how they feel, respond and positively adapt to their own settlement (Balfour, 2015, p. 2).


An extensive amount of research in the past two decades has been conducted on the theory of empowerment and social work practice with newly migrated persons, asylum seekers and refugees. The distinction and importance of empowerment has been made by R. Adams in Social Work and Empowerment (2003) as a “means to combat disqualification and exclusion of users.” Empowerment is linked to the heightened “skills and access to formal and informal decision-making, which changes power relations between the providers of the service and users. In this specific case study, the newly settled children in school are the users while the researchers and classroom teachers are the service providers of the Process Drama.

Literature on empowerment also distinguishes between user participation and involvement in skills-increasing programs and services, and user involvement in decision-making organs (Sheppard, 2006). This theory is concerned with users’ influence in decision-making processes, and the methods by which social workers or educators seek to enhance the power of those who lack it (Adams, 2008). Though the children have less control compared to their parental adult guardians, empowerment initiatives in the asylum context may easily overlook and neglect users’ own power struggles over matters that really concern them, and the challenges they face are indeed structural forces outside the influence of themselves or the social workers. Empowerment for asylum seekers is key to counteract negative aspects of resettlement and continue the process of integration into more oriented endeavors.


Australian Resettlement of Young Refugees and Identifying their Struggles and Needs

In the last decade, 65 percent of newly arrived refugees under the Australian government’s humanitarian program, were under the age of 30. Most of these young people came from ongoing conflict countries such as those in West and Central Africa (Olliff & Mohamed, 2007), had lived in refugee camps for extensive periods and were found to have had less years of schooling compared to past years. Therefore given these experience, these young refugees face common difficulties and their resettlement into a new country involves many challenges, such as recovering from trauma, handling education, maneuvering through bureaucratic systems and also adjusting to family, peer, individual and community expectations of being an adolescent (Olliff & Mohamed, 2007). The Australian government recognizes the need for “effective intervention” since there is a high rise of social exclusion and disconnection that may lead to health issues, homelessness and other social problems. But the government states that with proper avenues of resettlement and engagement in the community, young refugees “can bring a wealth of resources and strengths to the Australian community” through their qualities of “resilience and resourcefulness, adaptability and strong desire to achieve educationally” (Olliff & Mohamed, 2007).

The goals of the Australian case study were obtained from the theories of resilience in the resettlement process (Balfour, 2015, p. 194). It looked at the seven tensions that most young people face when settling. These include:

  • access to material resources (availability of financial, educational, medical and employment assistance and/or opportunities, as well as access to food, clothing and shelter);
  • relationships (with significant others);
  • identity (personal and collective sense of purpose, self-appraisal of strengths and weaknesses, aspirations, beliefs and values, including spiritual and religious identification);
  • power and control (experiences of caring for one’s self and others, the ability to affect change);
  • cultural adherence (connection to local and global practices, values and beliefs);
  • social justice (experiences related to finding a meaningful role in community);
  • cohesion (feeling a part of something larger than one’s self socially and/or spiritually) (Ungar et al., 2007).

Addressing Settlement Goals through Process Drama

Though the participants in the case study came from a range of different backgrounds with a variety of English levels and education, they all shared the same pressure to succeed and settle in their new homeland (Balfour, 2015, p. xiv).

By utilizing these “tensions” from Ungar et al (2007), the researchers were able to efficiently target the dramatic work to the needs they had identified, such as: reinforce agency in the learning process; enhance relationships with peer, adults, teachers, etc; help participants explore notions of identity; and develop a sense of cohesion or a stronger understanding of social justice by adopting new and additional roles and perspectives (Balfour, 2015, p. 195).

Agency was an additional goal of the researchers using Process Drama. This type of Applied Theater allowed the individuals to take greater control of their learning by choosing their own character roles to play, leading the plot, and solving problems that may arise in the story.  In this way, the participants in the Process Drama experienced interacting directly with their learning needs instead of it being an abstract form. This links directly with the Ungar suggested needs of newly arrived migrants’ for the opportunity “to gain a sense of power and control and to understand that they have the ability to affect changes in their lives” (Ungar et. al., 2007; Balfour, 2015, p. 202).

Process Drama and Language

When working in the context of classrooms with limited English language, one main aim is language development. Language development is also a highly important part of being integrated into a society. In the study, the researchers found that those with higher English skills were able to participate and engage more confidently in the drama than those with limited (Balfour, 2015, p. 97). However, this was not to say that those who had limited abilities were left out of the experience. The primary teacher of the ESL class verified that students were able to understand and engage by watching and noticing non-verbal cues as well as the story’s visual elements, such as posters or costumes (Balfour, 2015, p. 98).

English language acquisition was supported through this Process Drama by encouraging playfulness and “real ownership of language, within authentic contexts and for real purposes,” which are different from those usually employed in a classroom setting (Balfour, 2015, p. 201). The primary teacher stated that the Process Drama allowed all children to participate at the level they felt comfortable with in terms of their language skills. In one specific case, a student who struggles academically and does not cooperate well with the other children engaged more in Process Drama since he could create his own role and could succeed in his execution of it in the story (Balfour, 2015, p. 108).

One of the imaginative Process Drama plots involved a robot and an outer space setting. Gauging the student reactions and language skills acquired, the teacher built on this work in between the researchers’ visits (Balfour, 2015, p. 97). She stated: “I thought [the Process Drama] was a really useful tool for lots of different things. I thought it was really good for their vocabulary building because of the story…it absolutely complimented what we do even though we’re not learning about outer space and aliens getting married” (Balfour, 2015, p.96). The Process Drama elicited new concepts that could be applied to other parts of curriculum, not exclusively language or vocabulary building (Balfour, 2015, p. 109). Scientific concepts could be expanded upon connected to the robot and outer space plot. With regard to the additional case study Process Drama set on an island, environmental characteristics, habitats, weather and biomes lessons could be developed.

Process Drama and Safe Space

Process drama also breaks down social barriers no matter the age, gender or ethnicity. The Process Drama work made it easy for girls and boys to participate equally. In the case study, a safe space was created using Process Drama and connections between the students had formed due to their non-native English speaker background and being newly migrated people. Children interacted together more so than in a typical sit-down classroom with required textbook curriculum.  They were able to build relationships with each other and the adults engaged in the case study as well. The drama furthered this safe space and gave them opportunities (no matter their English skill level) to talk and share their opinions, express their ideas, be heard and contribute. Children were able to work how they felt comfortable: to be able to speak out and verbalize or work more in a quiet and reserved way (Balfour, 2015, p. 115).

The drama included a setting and plot that was engaging and offered a shared experience and connected all the students, regardless of their background (Balfour, 2015, p. 97). The drama allowed the students to form relationships with their characters as well. With characters or “roles” they played, the students interacted more with each other to support and work towards a common goal in the plot (Balfour, 2015, p. 98). In Neelands and Nelson’s Drama, Community and Achievement: Together I’m Someone (2013), they affirm that these Process Dramas develop participation in and greater sense of community and encourages qualities of behavior including altruism, trust, empathy and co-operation.

It was important for the researchers in this case study to structure the Process Drama plots around a setting or story which would not refer or deal with trauma stories that the children may have experienced on their migration journey. However, this was unavoidable and connections to the children’s experiences of home and arrival surfaced, but not in a negative fashion. The children used their own experiences to respond empathically to characters in crisis. For example, in one Process Drama story, the children empathized with the giant who did not want to be captured or given a tranquilizer injection. The primary teacher recognized that if a counselor wanted to explore behavioral or psychological aspects surrounding this, Process Drama would be a good way at revealing that (Balfour, 2015, p. 112).

Process Drama and Self-Identity

Exploring identities was another crucial way for newly arrived migrants to make meaning of their experiences, their new lives and support identity negotiation in a different context (Balfour, 2015, p. 203).  In Playing with Identities and Transforming Shared Realities (2005), Rousseau looks at how identities may be constructed through ethnicity, race, religion, gender, culture, setting and other personal identities and how by strengthening personal identity and group identity, this could be a way to improve the well-being of children after their migration to a new country (Rousseau et al., 2005). She explores further how drama therapy with young refugees can build solid multiple collective identities in the group that can promote: (1) construction of meaning (after trauma and separation); (2) the grieving process (loss of loved ones, country, expectations or dreams); (3) appreciation of difference and construction of creative resistance (that does not lock them into even wider circles of exclusion); and (4) development of multiple affinities that employ a range of possible strategies (Rousseau et al., 2005).

It is the aim of many drama therapists that Process Drama may alleviate stresses, tensions, conflicts and possible negative societal perceptions that may occur due to cultural difference and being a minority (Rousseau et al., 2005).  When working with these young participants in the case study, researchers saw them simultaneously struggle between multiple cultures, handling their settlement process and the natural struggles of growing up (Balfour, 2015, p.193).

“Drama therapy workshops facilitate the adaptation of young immigrants and refugees to their new environment through creative work on identity issues related to migration and status as a cultural minority” (Rousseau et al., 2005). In Process Drama, individualism is valued and it is used to construct meaning and identity through the personal accounts of the participants, even when their stories are not being used.

As Rousseau states, “artistic and dramatic outlets are important…as they can help express and contain the suffering associated with the changes that occur at this stage in life, while channeling strengths and idealism”(2005).

Process Drama and Empowerment

During the Process Drama case study, researchers were able to bear witness to the children’s empowerment, resilience and hopefulness (Balfour, 2015, p. 193). The children “enthusiastically” assumed their characters, played along, offering suggestions for the advancement of the plot, and inquired when the stories would continue later during the week with the researcher.

The adoption of a fictional role also allowed them to assume a higher status (such as policeman, actor, astronaut, etc) than children and placed them temporarily on an even playing level with adults. With the engagement of a fictitious world, situations and a new identity, the participants could temporarily step away from stresses of adaptation, play with these alternative realities, and unite in a community that shared a common goal. This process also gave students who did not normally verbally assert themselves, the fortitude to speak out by creating opportunities not normally available to them (Balfour, 2015, p. 98).

Empowerment came from engaging in their individual roles and relationships with the characters and by contributing to the direction of the story (Balfour, 2015, p. 99).It also should not be discounted that the improvement of language, as was present in the case study, also leads to independence and empowerment of newly arrived migrants (Hannah, 2008).


Often in this case study, the researchers entered with their own preconceived notions about the children’s cultural impact that may emerge during the drama. “Cultural differences were less of a factor than we had anticipated, with individuals from all cultures responding in their own unique ways, sometimes even surprising us,” the researchers stated (Balfour, 2015, p. 112). In one instance, a young boy who had initially been shy in previous classes and had limited English skills, volunteered to be the spokesperson of a story that addressed the entire class, teachers and researchers. The researchers stated, “given our perception of him as a shy boy from a culture less inclined to performance than the African children in the class who appeared to be more natural storytellers, we see this as a moment to savor” (Balfour, 2015, p.107). Using Applied Theatre in an integration context or when working with refugees, it’s important to acknowledge all participants as single people with various characteristics that are separate from the culture or place they come from.

Researches wanted to avert from the realities of the children since the researchers projected that many of the children had had bad experiences during the journey to Australia. During one of the Process Drama plots involving an island civilization whose food source disappears, the researchers grew apprehensive since they believed, “it was coming too close to their lived realities − with people fleeing their homes to seek a new life because of terrible danger” (Balfour, 2015, p. 105). The children eagerly requested to act out the variable reasons why the people on the “Island of Plenty Fish” would flee and how they did so.  Since one of the principles that the researchers were basing their studies was to empower the students and establish pedagogical applications, they complied. “All our best efforts at distancing had brought us here. The children were enjoying the exploration of these people’s fate, with the connections made apparently being ours −  not theirs,” the researchers stated (Balfour, 2015, p. 105).  This is a general and crucial reminder for researchers or anyone practicing Process Drama in an immigration context, to not hold any preconceived notions of potential connections or consequences that will be drawn from scenarios in the drama. This could limit the creativity or enthusiasm of the children.

The researchers found they “had been too concerned with distancing, being extremely careful in selecting material that would ensure that the children were not adversely affected or even traumatized” (Balfour, 2015, p. 116). The researchers should have put more faith into the form and the use of a fictional context since all types of ideas can be explored by participants using genuine sympathy and empathy in a safe space but which also uses (Balfour, 2015).

Depending on the setting of the Process Drama, in this specific case, there was a high level of importance of the partnership between the Process Drama researchers and the school and primary classroom teacher. Since the researchers were only able to come into the classroom twice a week for two hours, there were often gaps of time in which children could forget their role, or the plot points of the drama. However, these particular researchers noted that their school facilitator did tremendous work during these gaps to reiterate concepts previously explored in the drama or referencing of the setting or characters throughout the routine curriculum lessons (Balfour, 2015, p. 116). In other instances of Process Drama use with newly arrived migrants, the practitioners may not be quite so fortunate.

Finally, and most importantly, the use of Process Drama raises questions of sustainability and how to work with the issues, topics and discussion left behind. In public school setting, curriculum constraints may make it difficult to fit this into a school year.  In addition, some teachers may not be comfortable in using this pedagogical approach, although they see the benefits that it brings. Reluctances were evident to the researchers since they were eager to observe and participate from the EDGES of the class but “expressed a lack of confidence in their skills of being able to teach in this way” (Balfour, 2015, p. 201).


Throughout this study, I aimed to examine a case study that had utilized Process Drama as a mechanism for integration, settlement and resilience of newly arrived migrant and refugee children in an eastern Australian societal context. I complemented this case study with additional research on the topic of integration and theatrical therapy practices to determine how Process Drama was best used for these aims and what potential critiques or drawback may arise.

Various limitations were present in my study, such as lack of direct access to the setting of the case study as well as accessibility to interview the researchers involved due to Norwegian research ethics restrictions. The ability of the researchers in the case study to engage effectively with the participants was also limited by time and nature of the project, therefore the insights gained from this, while albeit partial, hint towards a further practice and possibility for work in the future. However, I do believe that this research gives an overall impression of how Process Drama can be used for refugee integration and settlement approaches in a new community for both the newly arrived persons and host community inhabitants. Due to the lack of comprehensibility of this study, many questions arose that remain unanswered, such as: how much do the workshops influence the well-being of these participants and their adjustment into the society? How can schools realistically incorporate this type of applied theater to their curriculum and school year while not segregating refugees and newly arrived migrants?

However, the main finding by various researchers remains and was confirmed in this study; the first two years of settlement are “critical in constructing successful long-term transitions into a new culture” (Balfour, 2015, p. 194) and addressing the “here and now needs” of the newly arrived individuals is critical to their future well-being in their new society.


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The Dangerous Ascent of Huayna Picchu

Machu Picchu-Cecelia MarshallC-72Pre-dawn fog mixed with the dusty roads where we huddled under a lone exterior light of a small bodega shop. I took a long sip from the small cup of steaming coca tea; coaxing myself awake from the sleep that clouded my eyes. I glanced at my watch and regretted it the moment I saw 3:47 a.m. staring back at me. The sense of the hour flooded me back to fatigue and the idea of my warm bed waiting for me.

Sleep could wait though. It was our last day in Aguas Calientes, the small town below the ancient city of Machu Picchu, before our return to Cuzco the next day, and as most travelers often do, we had saved the best for last. The day prior, as our guide toured us around the archeological ruins of the ancient city of Machu Picchu atop the Andes, he had nonchalantly mentioned the ability for visitors to summit the iconic mountain, Huayna Picchu, stating this fact almost in the same way someone would mention that their town got a new Starbucks.

We all turned our gaze to the sharp, steep mountain, which hovered over us as a protectorate of the civilization of tourists below like a watchful mother. The iconicness of this mountain cannot be disputed. It is the most photographed place in Peru however, often mistaken as “the Machu Picchu,” Huayna Picchu means “young peak” and its senior mountain, more rotund, sits often neglected by tourists and photographers due to its immense scale.
Gazing up from the ancient city, Huayna Picchu appears jagged and encompassed by straight cliffs, which end in the abyss of the valley thousands of meters below. The idea of even an attempt to climb it, due merely to its look, constitutes as mental insanity by some. However, for others, it is a challenge.

Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall2-72From that moment onward and with the advice of our guide, our plans were set in motion.  Hence, our early morning wakeup call of 3AM. Since the hike to the top of Huayna Picchu has garnered popularity over the years, a cap was placed on the amount of people allowed to scale it each day and the hours to do so. Only 400 people daily (200 for each time either 7:30AM or 10:30AM) are able to climb and while this may sound like a big number, when an average of 4,000 people arrive to the ancient city each day, 400 is insignificant. Our guide also tipped us off that while you can only start climbing at the earliest of 7:30AM, to insure of getting a pass, you have to arrive at the ticket office which stands at the base of the mountain by, 5AM. Consequently, our huddled mass stood sipping tea, munching on bread and cheese pillaged from the hotel the night before and waiting for the bus to arrive.
From the haze of dust and fog, beamed the lights of the 50 passenger bus as it arrived on the corner. While we had been the first to the stop, to the annoyance of my group and myself, another 30 people hopped on directly behind us.  And there would surely be more.

The switchback roads winding upwards from the valley town of Aguas Calientes below upwards toward the ancient city of Machu Picchu remained black and unknown as I gazed outside with my cheek against the cool window. With no knowledge of where we were, I muted my fear and hoped the driver had a better sense of direction and that the light guided the way.

The bus lurched forward and swung around the turn circle and the entrance to the Machu Picchu. I clung to the headrest in front of me and got my park entrance papers ready, as did the rest of my group. Once the bus doors opened, we launched ourselves forward and away we went, using all the energy from the coca leave tea we could muster.

Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall3-72Our sprinting bounds left footprint embedded on the grass freshly painted with dew. We darted down the abandoned paths, which were usually cloaked with tourists. Our group’s 6-foot, red-headed, giant, friend took the lead since there were no placards or very few pointing us in the direction of the gates to the mountain.  Back-and-forth, we zigzagged between crumbling buildings, leaping over slight to massive stonework. My heart pounded. My breath began to sink. I knew our group was “every man for themselves,” although we each kept looking back at one another to make sure we were still there. The mountain ahead was our only guide and even that in the pale, pre-dawn, dark-blue, sky was nothing more than a blackened mass in the horizon. A small pack of alpacas huddled under a lone tree lifted their heads to us and the other groups behind us — all of whom had gotten the hint that they needed to catch up or would lose out.

Finally, we made it to the narrow wooden ticket box. There, outside the gates with amusement park like turnstiles, stood a bleary-eyed official with tickets in hand. He was the gatekeeper, the holder of our key to the top, and to him we were the barriers to his omitted sleep. With tickets in hand, our group proceeded through the gates to catch our breath and issue a round of “high-fives.”  Number 68, my ticket read. I shoved it far into my pocket so that it would be impossible to slip out, yet every five minutes my hand flew to my pocket to make sure it was still there.

Then we waited.

For the next two hours we skipped around attempting to keep warm and munched on little Peruvian snacks out of sheer boredom — though keeping the sacred Snickers bar as our reward for the top. We scoured the map tacked to the office wall dozens of times for the route upwards although we were told it was straightforward.

By 6:00 a.m. the sun rose and threw a magical lightness to the air. Gold melted off cliffs on adjacent mountains and rocks gleamed. Amateur photographers took advantage of the “golden hour” and began snapping away at vines hanging over rock walls or lonesome flowers.Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall10-72

Around 7 a.m. the crowds began to stir around us. The tour official lined us up and began letting groups of ten people at a time to commence the ascent.

The adrenaline of finally mounting this infamous peak consumed us all and as soon as we handed over our ticket, we climbed like three-year-old toddlers on a jungle gym after drinking chocolate milk and Skittles.

The ascent of Huayna Picchu is a straight up ascent. The paths are nothing more than ancient stairs made of stones protruding from the mountain. Thick rope snakes along cliff walls for handholding and as you scale, you’re far more aware of your own fragile mortality. Looking down below is the gaping abyss of the rain forest in the Andes mountain. One false trip or stumble could leave you plunging for a good 45 seconds before violently hitting either another cliff or an expanse of trees.

No safety measures. No guardrails. Nothing.Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall4-72

So, while our enthusiasm gripped us in the beginning and gave us initial speed, it was the fear of death and knowledge of its presence that slowed us down as we climbed. That and the altitude. The peak of Huayna Picchu is 3,082 meters above sea level. Adjusting to the altitude is crucial. The last thing you would want is to feel dizzy and fall while climbing.

In the last few years with the popularity of tourist selfies, more and more people have fallen to their deaths from famous mountains or scenic locations — Huayna Picchu was no exception. An American tourist had died after slipping on a path overlooking the stone city below on this same mountain. A couple years earlier, a Russian man had been struck by lightning at the peak. These thoughts penetrated me as I climbed. But it was impossible not to be in sheer awe by the beauty around me. If I was going to die plunging to my death somewhere, this wouldn’t be too bad of a place.Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall8-72

After an hour, with beads of sweat dotting our foreheads, we made it to the cave portion; a part where it would definitely pay off to be a little thinner around the waist. For the claustrophobic like myself, this was sheer terror. I steadied my flashlight in my mouth and shimmied in. The damp cold smell of rock filled my nostrils. In and out, I told myself. In and out. Breath. The faint orange light ahead was the only thing I looked at. If babies can crawl, so can I, I told myself.  After 200 meters of cave that gently sloped up, we were out and the light and heightened degrees were a welcomed relief. We shed our outer layers and applied smears of sunscreen to our cheeks.

From the safety of our perch along the cliff, we gazed down at the tiny ants of tourists scurrying below around structures that appeared as nothing more than fortresses of wet sand that a child could have formed on a beach. Our eyes followed the winding road cut into the side of the mountain made for the enormous tour buses carrying hundreds of people each hour up to the relics of the ancient city.

Above us, we could see the jutting rocks of Huayna Picchu peak; merely another hundred yards of elevation to go. Though our current position was not far from the top, the altitude we had gained in the last hour was more significant than neither we nor our bodies had anticipated. Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall9-72We wheezed together with shallow breathes. Labored inhales and exhales mixed with the wind. And the pallor of our cheeks couldn’t hide our lack of strength against the elevation. But there was not a doubt we were going to make it to the top. The sun shone so brightly ahead on the peak, almost pulsating a welcoming throng. One foot in front of the other, we planted them along the staggered and divergent rocks. Eyes were kept carefully on the path we took, making sure our gelatinous legs found grounding underfoot.

Finally, we rose to the peak. Our feet made it first before our eyes lifted and enlightened us to our surroundings. We had made it. And it was beautiful. Silence had fallen over us all and the wind danced in our ears. Expulsions of awe and intrigue were the only sounds to leave our mouths. Slowly we each took a turn around the peak; gazing north, south, east and west into the depths of the rain forest and the Andes Mountains below. Machu Picchu-Cecelia Marshall6-72Together we huddled, snapping pictures and reviewing them on the camera screen until they were tucked away since we knew a picture couldn’t do justice to this view.
Intuitively, we all reached in our backpacks and took out our own King-size Snickers bar which had been waiting for this moment, and we clinked them together in the air like imaginary glasses of champagne before biting into the utter sweetness and reward. The 3 a.m. wake up call had been well worth it, we silently agreed with sighs of relief regarding our surroundings. For now, the imminent steep descent was not a concern. Only the luscious, sweet, whooshing of the wind and the pale-blue skies above.

Leading myself astray on Dartmoor

From an immense rolling mound on Dartmoor, South Devon England unfolded before me in an expanse of billowing hills of color, evenly divided farmland and the minute tip of the English Channel teasing me from beyond. The smell of rain off in the distant Plymouth fusing with the scent of the bog and nearby sheep, all working to further raise my heightened senses.

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Photo Courtesy: Cecelia Marshall

I looked down to my map and up at my surroundings. Then back down to the map and then up again. To anyone standing close by, it would have looked as if I was agreeing enthusiastically to an invisible being. I stared deeply into the worn and creased map full of squiggles, numbers, and various dotted lines that pointed out supposed trails. The big encircled red mark was where I had begun; clumsily following a path marked by dots took me to a trail which had by then dissolved into nothing but grass and uneven rock. As from a signal from the moor itself, a silent gust full of force blew my map closed with a snap. A wrestle between the gale and myself ensued, however, not wanting to put up a struggle or look anymore ridiculous, I collapsed it in the finality of its use. I sighed, beaming up at the iridescent blue sky as clouds of cotton balls whooshed past.

“Success!” I whispered to myself, hoping the wind wouldn’t hear. Finally, I had done it. I had gotten myself lost. You heard me correctly. It had been my intention to get completely and utterly lost on the moor.

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Photo Courtesy: Cecelia Marshall

Hiking most often involves choosing a point, landmark or pinnacle to climb or reach for a sense of accomplishment. Hidden waterfalls, 14,000ft snow packed peaks, or ancient ruins. These hiking targets seem to give meaning to the journey of hikers, a point in which to brag to others by pointing at a map and decreeing “we hiked all the way up to there!”  But as cliché as it is true, the experience is as much as it is about the journey as it is about the destination.

Living in southern England, in a small town called South Brent, which shouldered up along the historic Dartmoor, the afternoons of freedom from the bed and breakfast tasks allowed me to depart into nature. I thought I could tame the moor, make it my own and become familiar with this beast. However, it was only on my second attempt to go hike to a given point within the map that I realized my attempts were futile.

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Photo Courtesy: Tony Harley/Garfield House

On my first attempted trek, I had laid out illustrious plans. Ugborough Beacon Tor wasn’t too far, so it had seemed from the map, and I judged that my past hiking experience could get me there well before sunset. However, once on the moor, I realized how all the terrain appeared the same, almost as if a hypnotic coma encased me and I began confusing the stream underfoot with a marked path or the group of brambles with the mound of granite I was hoping to scale. Clouds soon rolled in along with the sinking of the sun and feeling weary, my jelly legs pulsing with strain, I lay down defeated. I stared up in the sky with light tears and raindrops dabbing my cheeks. A herd of Moorland ponies nibbling grasses a hundred yards away kept me company. And that’s when I realized – this is what I need to accomplish. Loss and mindfulness- something only Dartmoor can provide if you let yourself succumb to it.

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Photo Courtesy: Tony Harley/Garfield House

The whooshing wind. The trickle from a small spring. Or pure silence. My mind became hyper-connected to the present and the forces around me. As I walked without a target, I paid attention to the details in the clouds, how my boots felt around my ankle and the taste of inhaling the clear air.

Dartmoor is one of the largest national parks in England. It stretches over 954 square kilometers connecting Plymouth to Exeter. Scarcely any tall deciduous trees grow on the moor, therefore, once you walk to the center of it all, it’s easy to see for miles and miles-although making out a person from a small tor, is something of great difficulty. Locals who walk through the moor often learn this quickly that it’s difficult to climb to the “top” of things on Dartmoor since once scaling a high peak, looking out you realize that a sister hill 5 km away is in fact higher, raising another challenge for any hiking enthusiast. The highest point on Dartmoor is High Willhays, only 621 meters – hardly anything for an experienced avid hiker to write home about.

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Photo Courtesy: Tony Harley/Garfield House

Tors pop up from the rolling grass like pimples. Tors are made of stacked layers of granite and not constructed by humans but over centuries were used as distinguishing points in the topography when people travelled across or as watchtowers from invaders. Each year, over two thousand people attempt  the “Ten Tors Challenge”  a strenuous walk from ten tors ranging from a route of 56 km to 88km.

Since moving to South Devon, I had accumulated inexplicit knowledge and lessons from both the surrounding nature and locals. “Hiking” was not a term used by locals and instead their often times fifteen to twenty kilometer escapades along the moor were known humbly as a “walk” or “stroll.” I was told there is no point in bringing a phone unless all I was anticipating to use it for was taking pictures of the moor.

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Photo Courtesy: Tony Harley/Garfield House

There is never service, 3G or WIFI to speak of and even a snap of a photo, even with the best Instagram filters and editing skills, don’t do the moor justice.  And of course, it’s pertinent to remember to bring along sweets, a snack, or pasty since sometimes you never know how long you’ll be out there for. And given my new custom of getting lost, my bag was full of snacks aplenty-especially a couple carrots for the moorland ponies.

Smartphone usage in Migration

How Smartphone technology provides tools during the course of irregular migrants’ journey

By Cecelia Marshall, September 24th, 2016

Abstract: This paper looks at the role smartphones play throughout irregular migrants’ journey. It explores the implications that arise from this technology, including, how migration is facilitated, how costs and risks are minimized and how instant information and communication is accessed to make immediate decisions when problems arise. It also briefly touches on the challenges that may arise from smartphone usage when smugglers or state actors project false information via this technology.

Research Question: Which tools do smartphones provide irregular migrants along their journey?

(Photo Credit:


In today’s society, the speed and intensity of communication and information has increased significantly and shape our lives to a great extent (Dekker & Engbersen). The internet has been exemplified as a “network of brains” (Gerbaudo). Information transmitted via the internet is linked to the usage of smartphones, therefore, the purveying of information is now mobile.

This information mobility is practised widely by irregular migrants[1], especially those travelling on the so called, “Balkan Route” to reach Central and Northern Europe. Irregular migrants reaching Europe from North Africa and the Middle East are making their journey through perilous conditions and with other scarce resources. However, the one tool most of them have in common is the possession of a smartphone(Sebti). This smartphone is equipped with applications such as Google Maps, WhatsApp, GPS and social media including Facebook, Twitter and Skype, which migrants use to facilitate their journey, lowering the costs and risks associated with migration.

Smartphones are now considered the “Swiss Army Knife” of migrants (Livingston) and have actively facilitated and transformed the nature of migration (Dekker & Engbersen ).

In this paper, I will touch on how the convention of the smartphone and various applications have facilitated the migratory journey of irregular migrants and, in particular, the implications this technology has on their journey.

I will also touch on the challenges and risks associated with relying too heavily on smartphones and social media. More specifically, I will examine by how securitization breaches by governments deceive migrants by posting false information.

Research Method and Analysis

The theoretical framework used in this research is transnational socialization (Nedelcu).

Transnational socialization is the theory of transmitting information and connecting through a social presence by means of technological interconnectedness. With instant communication and technological possibilities, migrants adopt different ways of thinking and practice, which reflects the adoption of transnational and cosmopolitanism[2] orientations (Nedelcu).

Smartphone tools and their applications

Along the journey that the migrants take to Europe, conditions regarding border closures, passages, and sea forecasts change often, eliciting prompt response. Despite this, a majority of irregular migrants possess smartphones which “offer a rich source of insider knowledge…that is discrete and unofficial,” making migrants “streetwise” with regard to their journey (Dekker & Engbersen).

(Photo Credit: Pixabay)

In one instance, the International Rescue Committee sought to uncover the amount of migrants’ traveling to Europe with smartphones by asking to see their belongings (Ram) (Handelsblatt). In almost every backpack there was a smartphone.

“Our phones and power banks are more important than anything, even more important than food,” one Syrian man on the Greek island of Kos told Agence France Presse(Assir).

Migrants with access to mobile networks tend to be more resilient (Hannides, Bailey & Kaoukji) since their mobile access gives them mediums to be in direct contact with other refugees for advice on the best routes, places to shelter along the journey, and updates on border crossing closures. This allows them to stay updated and to make prompt critical decisions.

The most often used applications were found to be Google Maps, WhatsApp, Viber, Skype and social media such as Facebook and Twitter (Sebti). To make Selfies is also a popular practice among migrants, as photos are then sent to family and friends to notify them of their current location or safety.

Networks for migrants are created via the messaging service, WhatsApp and Facebook, groups which share useful information, such as sea safety advice, contact numbers for police and rescue organizations and can alert group member when they arrive safely (Hannides, Bailey & Kaoukji).

(Photo Credit: Pixabay)

Smartphones can also be used in cases of extreme distress and emergency relief response.  In one such example, irregular migrants were crossing the Mediterranean when their boat’s motor broke down. With no emergency numbers at hand, one passenger telephoned a relative (in the origin country) whom then tweeted the situation together with the boat’s GPS coordinates. The coast guard was able to rescue them(Frouws, Phillips, Hassan & Twigt).

Initiated by independent volunteers and solidarity movements, some European border crossings, train stations and refugee camps have additionally began providing phone-charging stations, free Sim cards and Wi-Fi to migrants (Hannides, Bailey & Kaoukji).

(Photo Credit: Pixabay)

One such group based in Croatia, launched the project, “Open Net” which creates mobile Wi-Fi hotspots for irregular migrants by equipping their volunteers with mobile Wi-Fi devices in backpacks (Schroeder) who then walk around the border cities where connection is most needed.

Implications of Smartphones

While smartphone possession has noticeably become a commonality among irregular migrants(Ram) (Handelsblatt), this has had a variety of implications on their movement, choices made and information being exchanged along their journeys.

Like the Internet, smartphones have become an asset for collecting information about the intended destination (Nedelcu). In general, people know more than they used to and have greater and more instant access to knowledge and ability to counteract disinformation when it arises (Gerbaudo).

The costs and risks associated with migration have been diminished (Nedeulcu) due to smartphone usage. Irregular migrants are less dependent on human smugglers to guide them once they cross the Mediterranean Sea, therefore lowering costs. Migrants now use Google Maps to determine their directions to the targeted locations.

Most communication applications, such as WhatsApp, Viber and Skype, are also free and allow migrants to text or call with others, thereby cutting costs as well.

Though risks associated may have been lowered, they have not been completely eliminated. When borders are closed or a threat is posed, migrants are made aware of this on Twitter, Facebook pages or private WhatsApp messages.

International organizations are evaluating the increased use of smartphones along the migrants’ journeys (Hannides, Bailey & Kaoukji) to better devise protocols or resources they may provide them to both make their journey less risky and better inform them about the migration pre-departure.

As in previous years, during natural disasters, smartphone applications have been designed to deal with recovery efforts and rescue responses. Recently humanitarian relief organizations and aid agencies have researched how best to respond to refugee communication needs. Therefore a multitude of applications have been created specifically for migrants (Price). “Refugee Aid” is just one example of a new application in which non-governmental organizations provide verified and timely information that refugees can access in various languages (Hannides, Bailey & Kaoukji).

Wi-Fi and charging stations follow next behind the smartphone in terms of importance to irregular migrants (Assir). At aid and train stations along the migration corridor and border crossings, free Wi-Fi is often available. Migrants log in and then are redirected to a home page, listing essential services and information on how and where to purchase food, water, and what they should expect to pay for certain transportation services.

By harnessing the power of smartphones, irregular migrants have not only become less dependent on human smugglers, thereby lowering the cost and risks of migration. In fact, with smartphones, migrants have now become more independent and active in their individual decision making process for their future destinations and solutions.

(Photo Credit: Pixabay)

Challenges posed by Smartphones

Challenges also arise through the reliance on smartphones. Migrants do not have a reliable ability to know whether the information provided on social media sites or by way of messaging applications is factual (Frouws, Phillips, Hassan & Twigt).  Migrants are then connecting to unidentified sources made from the internet. Therefore, the source could be posing behind a false identity (Dekker & Engbersen).

In one case, the Hungarian government used a social media account to spread the false rumor that a train was leaving promptly to Austria and Germany. However, this train was in fact transporting migrants back to a refugee camp. With Twitter, many migrants received the correct information and did not board the train (Frouws, Phillips, Hassan & Twigt).

Further, while some applications such as Skype, WhatsApp and Viber are private messaging services, other useful applications (Facebook, Google Maps, Twitter) make a user’s location known through GPS and location services (Dekke & Engbersen). This creates serious risks given the possibility for the monitoring  by state security (Gerbaudo). The security of the migrant is compromised and state institutions can use this information to locate crowds of migrants en route and swiftly close borders before they arrive.


This paper briefly described the ways the smartphone, encompassing applications, internet and social media, is used by irregular migrants en route to their projected country and how it has become one of their most vital survival tools (Kozlowska).

These tools have allowed them to become less reliant on smugglers (Price) and to gather current and relevant information as conditions change swiftly.

Smartphones play a complex role setting new migration patterns and throughout this current phase of modernity(Nedelcu) the acceleration of the information and communication technological revolution combined with human mobility contributes to the need of further investigation of social transformations.


Ram, A. (2015, December 5). Smartphones Bring Solace and Aid to Desperate Refugees. Retrieved September 23, 2016, from

Schroeder, S. (2015, September 21). Refugees in Croatia can’t get to the Internet, so the Internet comes to them. Retrieved September 23, 2016, from

Kozlowska, H. (2015, September 14). The most crucial item that migrants and refugees carry is a smartphone. Retrieved September 18, 2016, from

Assir, S. (2015, August 19). Facebook, WhatsApp and Viber light way to Europe for Syrian refugees. Retrieved September 22, 2016, from

Bram Frouws, Melissa Phillips, Ashraf Hassan and Mirjam Twigt (2016): Getting to Europe the ‘WhatsApp’ Way. Danish Refugee Council. Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat. June 2016.

Rianne Dekker and Godfried Engbersen (2012): How Social media transform migrant networks and facilitate migration. International Migration Institute. Paper 64, November 2012

Harry H. Hiller, Tara M. Franz (2004): New ties, old ties and lost ties: the use of internet in diaspora. New Media Society 2004 6: 731.

Myria Georgiou (2002): Diasporic Communities On-Line: A Bottom Up Experience of Transnationalism.

Mihaela Nedelcu (2012): Migrant’s New Transnational Habitus: Rethinking Migration Through a Cosmopolitan Lens in Digital Age. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, vol. 38, No. 9 November 2012, pp1339-1356

Paolo Gerbaudo (2012): Tweets and the Streets. Introduction. London, Pluto Press.

Theodora Hannides , Nicola Bailey and Dwan Kaoukji (2016): Voices of Refugees: Information and Communication Needs of Refugees in Greece and Germany. Research Report-July 2016 (BBC Media Action)

Bassam Sebti (2016, February 17). 4 smartphone tools Syrian refugees use to arrive in Europe safely from

Livingston, Alan. (2004): Smartphones and other Mobile Devices. EduCause Quarterly 2004

Horn, H. (2015, October 30). Coding a Way Out of the Refugee Crisis. Retrieved September 22, 2016, from

Price, R. (2015, September 09). Google Maps is putting Europe’s human-traffickers out of business. Retrieved September 22, 2016, from

CIA-World Factbook. (2015). Syria, Afghanistan, Iran. Retrieved September 18, 2016, from

IOM, Glossary on Migration, International Migration Law Series No. 25, 2011

[1] When referring to “irregular migrants,” the International Organization for Migration (IOM) definition is adopted, which applies to any person whose movement across state lines falls outside the regulatory norms and without necessary authorization required (IOM). The irregular migrants mentioned in this paper are specifically those en route to Europe, either from the Middle East or from North Africa.

[2] The theory of “Cosmopolitanism,” when used to study migration, is seen as “heuristically productive” especially in terms of the digital age and technological advancements.(Nedelcu).

Mbeubuess Landfill

Cows eat the trash and we eat them. Go figure… Image was captured by a camera suspended by a kite line. Kite Aerial Photography (KAP) (Photo by Jeff Attaway)

Mbeubeuss stretches over expansive rolling land that once swelled with a water source for Dakar but has since dried up.  Whether intentional or not, the acres and acres of land from the suburbs to the sea are man-made, of garbage. Continue reading “Mbeubuess Landfill”